“Negotiation” is designed for failure and conflict
Entering this controversy, Day Hall clearly retains all legal authority to regulate the time, place, and manner of protests on campus. However, Day Hall does not control (or have much influence over) U.S. foreign policy or unduly set societal norms of behavior. Although the protesters won a recent undergraduate referendum by a 2-1 margin, their cause failed to garner political support across the Cornell University community. Only a few hundred people attend rallies or camp out. By contrast, during the April 1969 crisis, more than 8,000 community members gathered at Barton Hall for several days.
Fundamentally, the only thing the protesters are trading for is agreeing to abolish illegal camps that do not have broad public support and do not inconvenience the majority of Cornelian residents. . The encampment ended on May 13th.
All residents of Cornell University have an obligation to promote both free speech and an atmosphere of civility. These norms are the only way elite educational institutions can foster the discussion and dissemination of the best ideas, regardless of political affiliation or expediency. ” Student regulations are designed to punish serious rule violations, while mild persuasion is used to suppress hostile speech. It destroys the academic atmosphere but is protected by the First Amendment. The camp mistakenly believes it has bargaining leverage over Day Hall by threatening to perpetuate hostile speech. The flaws in that thinking become apparent when protesters cross the line from protected speech to unprotected illegal activity.
Some universities, such as Northwestern University, have tried to change the scope of the discussion to reach areas of agreement. At Northwestern University, the school agreed to fund two two-year faculty positions and provide full scholarships to five Palestinian students. This agreement was enough to collapse the Northwestern camp. CML has chosen “demands” that Day Hall will never accept, so no one can believe that this encampment will function as a serious negotiating tactic rather than a footnote in a national scenario.
Outgoing President Pollack and Vice President for Student and Campus Life Ryan Lombardi met for an hour with campaign representatives on May 10, the day after announcing their retirement. Pollack did not issue a statement after the meeting, but CML explained the discussion in an Instagram post. CML claimed it asked Pollack for a written response by Sunday, May 12, but did not receive a response. The CML cleared the encampment the next day.
native american land claims
CML’s first demand has nothing to do with the Gaza crisis, but rather seeks compensation from Cornell University for “stolen” land. The background facts are that the Iroquois supported the British against the Americans in the War of Independence and lost most of their land by 1795 as a result. Most of the Cayuga people moved to reservations in Ontario or Oklahoma. However, a small number of Cayuga tribes returned to Seneca Falls, New York, where they were engaged in a bitter internal leadership struggle. Accordingly, a demand was made that “the surplus lands of New York be returned to the Haudenosaunee Confederacy, the Lenni Lenape and his descendants.” people forced out of new york” Even CML believes it would be wasteful to return land to the divided Seneca Falls group.
The Constitution’s Commerce Clause gives the federal government the power to control relations with Native American tribes. These tribes sued in court for land rights and lost. Cornell University received the land under the Morrill Act, but sold it all by 1935. It is therefore up to Washington and the courts to take further action.
As for the request to “create an Indigenous Studies Department,” Cornell already has an American Indian and Indigenous Studies program.
Endowment and landholding accounts and the sale of “redeemable” holdings.
CML does not explain why this would help Cornell University, but implicit in the request is that CML, not trustees, should decide which investments constitute “morally reprehensible activity.” There are times when it is. The fact is that American policy supports Israel and a wide range of American companies do business with Israel. If the CML wants to change this situation, it can seek to introduce a bill in parliament.
From the 1960s to the 1990s, Cornell University invested directly in many companies as a stockholder. Social justice activists attacked certain stock investments. More recently, Cornell University has discontinued such direct investments and instead entrusts its funds to hedge fund managers and index funds. When Cornell invests in index funds, it mathematically decides whether to invest in the 500 or 1,000 largest companies, regardless of morality. Therefore, Cornell University’s investments pose no greater moral stain than do CML members, who statistically benefit from the economic strength of the American economy as a whole. Cornell University owns a small portion of the fund, which may own a small number of companies that may have some involvement in commerce with Israel. But Cornell University has no intention of profiting from its investments in Israel and Palestine over the economy as a whole.
Cornell University trustees, including elected student, faculty and staff directors, have full access to all details of Cornell University investments. Due to the sensitivity of certain transactions and limitations imposed by security laws, the Cornell University community must rely on its elected representatives to make the best decisions in the absence of full disclosure. there is.
Cornell University has a 50-50 partnership with the Israel-based Technion Corporation at the Jacobs Technion Cornell Research Institute, but CML wants that partnership to end. CML has not said whether Cornell wants to sell half its stake to Technion, buy out Technion’s shares, or simply exit.
To date, the Technion has contributed more than $160 million to the joint venture on Roosevelt Island, and New York City has contributed Joint Proposals from both Cornell and Technion. The Jacobs Institute does not engage in classified or military research, and its technology is subject to export controls like other U.S.-based organizations.
An unconditional and permanent ceasefire in Gaza.
Everyone wants a permanent ceasefire in Gaza. The ceasefire remained in effect until October 7, when it was broken by Hamas, which vowed to carry out similar attacks in the future.
The CML has not explained why it believes an unconditional and permanent ceasefire in Gaza is possible. What to do about Iran and Russia’s influence on Hamas. Or what to do about the possibility of Israel or Iran acquiring offensive nuclear capabilities. However, US foreign policy is controlled in Washington, not in Day Hall. Therefore, all CML members would be better off lobbying Congress rather than protesting on this issue in Ithaca. CML also fails to mention that Hamas still holds five American citizens and dozens of Israelis hostage, some of whom were killed in captivity. The CML has not clarified their position on these American hostages, including whether Hamas should release them in the event of an unconditional and permanent ceasefire.
Palestine Studies Program in the College of Arts and Sciences
CML does not explain how this program will be funded, assuming it is interested in such a narrow topic. Cornell University already has a Department of Near Eastern Studies, which includes Palestine.
Any student at the University of the Arts already has the option of choosing an independent major with a focus on Palestine. Additionally, President Pollack’s May 14 statement expressed his desire for “further education on the history and politics that have led to the current crisis.”
Defining anti-Zionism as not anti-Semitism
Many of the CML’s critics accused its chants, posters, banners, and speeches of being anti-Semitic. CML is asking Cornell to agree to protect all anti-Zionism from cross-the-line attacks on anti-Semitic speech. The definition of anti-Semitism used by New York state and the federal government takes the opposite view.
Replace police with emergency response teams of medical professionals
CML is reviving the “defunding the police” debate from 2020. It was a bad idea then, and Day Hall shouldn’t accept it now. CML requires that “the majority of team members must be contributors who share lived experiences and identities with Cornell University’s diverse student body.” The idea that Cornell University would discriminate in employment in this way would be a violation of civil rights law.
CML is correct that “shared lived experiences” are valuable to student policy makers. Therefore, there may be significant benefits to hiring Cornell graduates as deans of students and vice presidents for student and campus life.
Full legal and academic amnesty
The CML does not explain why amnesty is a good idea. Resolutions passed by the Student Assembly, University Assembly (UA), and Faculty Senate argue that the shared governance body, not Day Hall, should create norms and judicial procedures. They also say the Interim Expressive Activities Policy should not go into effect until it is rewritten by a shared governance group.
Returning conduct matters to UA may be a long-term solution, but it does not address the immediate issue of liability to the camp. Day Hall is responsible for protecting the interests of Cornell University and maintaining the functioning of the campus. The idea that a small group can demand the right to substitute its own policy preferences under threat of violence is anathema to Cornell University’s values.
The involvement of people from outside the Cornell community is also very troubling. Whatever the argument for student amnesty, outsiders should be severely punished in downtown courtrooms.
In short, the CML’s published demands are not in line with its faction’s chants and have failed to gain the support of most Cornelian faithful.
