Opinion: 80 years after the Normandy landings, have world leaders learned nothing?

Editor’s note: Frida GhitisA former CNN producer and correspondent, she is currently a columnist on world affairs. She is a weekly contributor to CNN, a contributing columnist for The Washington Post and a senior columnist for World Politics Review. Opinions expressed in this column are her own. Further comments On CNN

CNN
—

American paratroopers jumped from a World War II-era military plane and their parachutes opened over France on Sunday, kicking off a solemn week of commemoration marking the 80th anniversary of the Normandy landings, during which dozens of world leaders, including President Joe Biden, are scheduled to attend events rich with symbolism and reflective of our current times.

For decades, the United States, its allies and other nations have come together to remember the U.S.-led Normandy landings on June 6, 1944, the largest naval invasion in history and a crucial final step in the Allied efforts to defeat Nazi Germany’s devastating and genocidal campaign of conquest.

The ceremony will follow tradition, honour those who fought and died in World War II, and reaffirm a commitment to learning the lessons of history. But what are those lessons, and how will world leaders put this commitment into practice?

That vague pledge not to repeat history has taken stark concrete form as Russian forces seek to overrun Ukraine in Europe’s first major ground battle since World War Two.

And in a surprising twist, history is also being reflected in the likely next US president, Donald Trump, who has revived the phrase “America First,” used by Americans in the 1930s and 40s when the US wanted to stand back even as Hitler launched wars to conquer Europe.

President Trump has signaled potentially dramatic changes in the U.S. approach to European defense and the war in Ukraine, raising existential anxiety among U.S. allies.

Biden is in France this week to meet with about 25 prime ministers and presidents, including Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, but Russian President Vladimir Putin has not been invited, before making a state visit to Paris.

During his time in France, he will speak “about the importance of defending freedom and democracy” and discuss “a wide range of global challenges.”

Top of the agenda is how to support Ukraine.

The host, French President Emmanuel Macron, has emerged as one of the most vocal advocates of greater support for Kyiv, contrasting with Biden’s assertive but more cautious stance.

Mr Macron’s transformation has been remarkable: Just weeks before Russia launched an unprovoked, all-out invasion of its neighbour, he travelled to Moscow to meet with Mr Putin at a very long COVID-19 distance table to discuss ways to avert catastrophe.

Those who thought Macron was too subservient to the Russian dictator were further put off when, months after Russian troops invaded Ukraine, Macron declared that “we must not let Russia embarrass us” at a time when Russia’s plans for a quick victory were unravelling and Biden was reaffirming his unwavering support for Kyiv.

Mr Macron has since toughened his stance and darkened his view of the risk posed by Russia to Europe and the West, warning in April that “our Europe is doomed, it can die” because of Russian aggression.

Earlier this year, President Trump surprised Europeans by declaring that he could not even rule out sending Western troops to Ukraine, adding that he would “do everything we can to prevent a Russian victory.”

Germany, like other countries, rejected the idea, but Macron appears to have done more than try to shore up resistance among his allies.

With Biden and Zelensky visiting France this week, Macron is expected to announce that European troops will indeed be deployed to Ukraine soon, according to the Financial Times.

One of the most pressing decisions Ukraine’s backers now face is how much freedom to give Kiev to attack Russian targets with the weapons they provide.

The dilemma embodies one of the two concerns driving Western support: On the one hand, Europe and the United States worry that if Russia wins, Putin will continue to press ahead with the conquest of territories that belonged not only to the Soviet Union but also to the Russian Empire.

This is a concern sharply underscored by the lessons of World War II, when Hitler was allowed to carve out parts of Czechoslovakia before marching into Poland and across Europe only to be halted.

Such concerns are evident among Russia’s neighbours and are one of the reasons why Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk has urged his people to prepare for what he calls the “pre-war era”.

Others fear that giving Ukraine free rein to attack Russia could escalate the conflict into one between a nuclear-armed Russia and nuclear-armed NATO, leading to World War III.

Can we contain the war and defeat Russia?

Zelenskiy has been pleading with Kiev’s allies to allow Ukraine to use its weapons to attack Russian soil. While the allies debated the issue, Russian forces took little risk and attacked a department store in Kharkiv, not far from the Russian border, killing 18 people.

Zelenskiy pleaded with allies to “please give us permission” to use weapons to prevent attacks, saying he would not use them without authorization for fear of losing Western support.

Western countries remain divided on the issue. Biden has eased some restrictions. Macron and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz want to ease them further, though they remain limited. Finland and NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg say Ukraine’s friends are forcing it to fight with one hand tied.

The Normandy anniversary conference is sure to discuss how to stop Russia and, if faced with a stronger Ukraine, whether it will really go head-to-head with the West, as Putin has threatened.

As we look out over the once blood-stained shores of Normandy, world leaders should consider the lessons of World War II and how they can be applied today.

America First advocates persuaded the United States to stay out of fighting in Europe until the attack on Pearl Harbor drew the U.S. into the war. Ultimately, 16.4 million Americans served in the military during World War II, more than 10 percent of the population. About 29,000 Americans died in the Normandy landings. The war involved 50 countries and was a catastrophe that left more than 70 million people dead, meaning that one in every 30 people who were alive at the start of the war died.

The conflicts are not the same. The ideologies are different. The leaders are different. But the beaches of Normandy resonate with the lessons of that horrific history. And world leaders should listen.