As the clock struck noon on Thursday, the doors of dozens of polling stations across Kuwait opened and voters poured in to elect one of the most robust parliaments in the Middle East.
Candidates set up temporary headquarters in tents, and coffee shops promised discounts to voters. It was the fourth time in four years that people had been asked to elect a new parliament, and large numbers of people were waiting to vote.
“Members of parliament give the voice of the people,” said voter Asra al-Ghaleb, 31, adding that he hoped the new parliament would bring “real fundamental changes to Kuwait.” Ta.
Kuwait is far from a full democracy. Its ruler is a hereditary monarch, political parties are illegal and the leader has the power to dissolve parliament, leading to Thursday’s snap election. Deadlocks frequently occur between the parliament and the executive branch, creating political turmoil.
But Kuwait is a rare alternative in a Middle East where many countries are increasingly repressive, and where the Arab Spring uprisings that erupted across the region more than a decade ago were put down and demonstrations in countries such as Tunisia and Egypt began. Even after the marches began, scholars say they fostered elements of democracy. A return to authoritarianism.
Young Kuwaitis voted, expressing their dissatisfaction with their country’s political turmoil, but said they expect real change.
Fellow voter Aziz Al Fahad, 26, said, “Right now, the most important issue is political reform,” adding that even if people are dissatisfied, “It’s their duty to vote.” ” he claimed.
Kuwait, a Persian Gulf nation and one of the world’s largest oil exporters, had 200 candidates running for parliament in its 50-member parliament. Friday’s election results showed the majority of incumbents retained their seats, along with a small number of newcomers and several candidates returning from previous councils. Officials said turnout was 62%, exceeding most expectations for an election held during the holy month of Ramadan, when Muslims fast from dawn to dusk.
“The stakes have never been this high,” said Bader al-Saif, an assistant professor of history at Kuwait University, stressing the importance of elections in “areas that don’t really believe in participatory politics.”
“That this continues to be a concern for the rulers and the ruled, as we move forward and try to find the most effective equation, can never be underestimated,” he said. Ta.
Kuwait’s parliament is much more powerful than the largely symbolic “advisory councils” of neighboring monarchies like Saudi Arabia and Qatar, and its members are noisier than those of many other Arab countries. There are many.
They have the right to publicly grill ministers, exert influence over the state budget, and must approve the ruler’s appointment of a new heir to the throne, the crown prince.
But with high turnover in parliament and frequent resignations of ministers, officials are left with little time to pursue their agendas. Many Kuwaitis are proud of their relatively greater political participation and freedom of expression, but despite maintaining one of the world’s largest sovereign wealth funds, they are far behind the Gulf state in infrastructure development and economic diversification. We are lagging behind other countries.
Al-Ghaleb said his priorities as a voter were to repair “broken roads and poor infrastructure” and increase salaries and benefits for citizens.
Pro-authoritarian elites and some ordinary citizens across the Gulf say Kuwait’s economic stagnation presents a warning about the pitfalls of democracy, while the gleaming skyscrapers and bustling port of the Gulf metropolis Dubai are an iron fist. It has long been argued that it shows benefits. .
But many Kuwaitis argue that cutting political rights will not solve the problem and that Kuwait’s institutions need room to evolve.
“We need more mature checks and balances that take into account measures to absorb tension and anger,” Al-Saif said. He called for a national dialogue that would lead to constitutional amendments to allow the country’s legislative and executive branches to work together more effectively.
When the new ruler, Sheikh Mishal al-Ahmed al-Sabah, assumed power in December after the death of the previous emir, he gave a harsh speech, accusing both parliament and the government of “undermining the interests of the country and its people.” “There is,” he accused. ”
Congress, which was in session at the time, got off to an optimistic start, with what appeared to be the beginning of a new chapter in cooperation between the legislative and executive branches.
That all changed in February, when parliament, customarily tasked with responding to the ruler’s address, voted to approve a law stipulating Sheikh Mishal’s annual salary of about $160 million. Abdulkarim al-Kandari, a member of parliament, made comments in a public address that some interpreted as being critical of Sheikh Mishal, but later he said he was simply a “parliamentary and “I was just protecting the people,” he said.
Shortly after, Sheikh Mishal issued a decree dissolving parliament, saying it had “violated the constitution” by “using inappropriate words” against the ruler. The dissolution cleared the way for Thursday’s vote. Mr. Al-Kandari was re-elected with the highest number of votes among the candidates in the constituency.
On Monday, the leader called on the public to participate in a televised address, saying those who boycotted “have no right to blame for underachievement, poor performance or lack of achievement.”
Kuwaitis and academics who support the country say they don’t know what direction Kuwait will take.
“I hope that the legislative and executive branches can work together in the next parliament,” said 26-year-old voter Al Fahad, adding that it “will help ensure that the interests of the people are met.” Ta. ”
Daniel Tavana, an assistant professor of political science at Pennsylvania State University, expressed concern that the government’s lack of strategy and vision “has made electoral competition somewhat pointless and exhausting for many people.”
“The semi-democratic mechanisms that give people a say in how they are governed are atrophying,” he said. “Overuse and degradation of these mechanisms can render them permanently unavailable, irrelevant, or dysfunctional over the long term.”
But Kuwait’s Professor Al Saif said Kuwait’s “relative freedom” should not be underestimated.
“Don’t give up on Kuwait,” he urged. “We’re really trying to find a way to stay politically active.”
