TThey are called “free-born” South Africans — too young to remember apartheid, too young to have any instinctive loyalty to the African National Congress — and if this generation votes in the May 29 elections, they could deliver a scathing rebuke to the party that led the liberation struggle.
The ANC’s vote share could fall below 50% for the first time in the country’s 30 years of democracy.
Inequality has soared in a country mired in corruption under former president Jacob Zuma, so state-run electricity company Eskom’s record of two months without power outages is cause for celebration.
Now a new generation of social movement politicians is trying to revitalize the ANC, including the youngest of whom, Fasiha Hassan, rose to prominence as a leader of the 2015 #FeesMustFall student protests over tuition fee hikes.
At 30, Hassan is the same age as democratic South Africa and is rushing to hand over power to the old guard. In 2019, the law graduate became the youngest member of the Gauteng provincial assembly, around Johannesburg, and is currently ranked 65th out of 200 ANC candidates for parliament. She says young people are at the heart of the ANC’s “renewal project.”
“We need a blend of intergenerational expertise, but not new energy or ideas to solve the country’s challenges. We need a population of young people who are well educated and willing to roll up their sleeves and ask themselves, ‘Okay, what do we do for the next 10 years?'” In a recent election video, she spoke of “cleansing the ANC” and argued that “we need a seat at the table”.
She draped a kefir over her shoulder and issued a bold ultimatum: “Unlock the door or I’ll kick it in.”
Hassan is similarly frustrated by the obstacles that stand in the way of more equal representation in South African politics. “There’s a different set of rules for women and queer politicians,” she says. “As a young woman who is a public figure, there’s a sense of ownership and very little room for error. But there’s also huge input on matters outside of public office: what to wear, where to go, who to be with and who not to be with.”
She has faced criticism from “very conservative” members of her own Asian Muslim community, “people who don’t believe that young Muslim women should be bold and vocal. Even before I ran for office, there was a lot of support, but there was also backlash: ‘Look at these Muslim girls, how they’re dressed, how they’re protesting.’ But we remind them that we are fully entitled to be in this space and to be leaders, even as Muslims.”
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Speaking at a recent symposium at the University of London, Hassan recounted being belittled and criticised by older female colleagues for the way she dressed, being assumed to be a secretary or “plus one” while travelling with male politicians, and escaping a stalker. Equal pay and opportunity is important, Hassan says, but she acknowledges that gender-based violence is so prevalent in South Africa that improved safety is more important. “I’m scared to go to my car late at night, but I have a car, which is a great privilege.”
To combat South Africa’s high incidence of domestic violence, she proposes the creation of dedicated sexual violence courts, incorporating innovative ideas such as empowering social workers and community activists to record rape cases so victims do not have to go immediately and traumatised to the police.
“Apartheid and hundreds of years of colonialism have created a very violent society that we have not yet healed from,” she says. “We need a kind of truth and reconciliation commission within our community to address gender violence.”
Hassan hopes some of these ideas will be adopted in the upcoming election. “South Africa is desperate for new leadership, both within and outside the ANC. Leadership has to evolve,” she says. “If it doesn’t evolve, it dies.” There is a sense of the baton being passed. “Our parents, our grandparents fought for political freedom,” she says. “But we haven’t reached economic freedom. We see that as the mission of our generation.”
A sense of ageism within the party is also evident in her opposition to the ANC’s old allies Zimbabwe (“I am not well liked by my ZANU-PF comrades”) and Russia (“There is no justification for invading other sovereign territories… international law is fundamental”). But she is quick to underline South Africa’s non-aligned position: “We can no longer support a unipolar world… the BRICS [an alliance of developing nations] It helps create a more equal world in terms of power relations and gives us greater influence on the global stage.”
Hassan is not too young to remember more optimistic times, citing former president Thabo Mbeki’s “I am African” speech from 1996. “As a primary school student I remember a deep sense that, ‘we have a bright future ahead of us,'” she says. “There was hope.” But if Mbeki proved to be a deeply flawed leader, ousted by his party and tainted by conspiratorial views on HIV/AIDS, she feels his successor, Zuma, reached a new low.
“We saw the economy stagnate, but worse than that, we started to see the state start to hollow out,” Hassan said, referring to the “state takeover” under Zuma. Allegations of systemic corruption continue. “I don’t think the party is hopeless,” she said. “If I thought that, I wouldn’t be running for office.” But she acknowledges that fighting corruption is an “uphill battle.” “It’s not just the ANC, it’s all parties. There are people who think politics is a way to make money.” It’s important to rebuild the party, but “ultimately it’s about rebuilding the country,” she said.
According to a 2022 World Bank report, South Africa is the most unequal country in the world, with the gap between rich and poor widening since apartheid. While Hassan argues that there has been “objective progress,” International Monetary Fund data shows that wealth inequality is high (the richest 20% account for 68% of income), there are wide regional disparities (per capita income in Gauteng, for example, is twice that of the rural Eastern Cape), growth has been stagnant for a decade, and youth unemployment is over 50%.
But Hassan believes the majority of South Africans have not given up on the ANC: “People are very angry, naturally, but the more time I spend with them the more I feel like, ‘What we need are young people like you who are going to speak up about the issues.'”
Hassan proudly points to his track record in promoting economic development, particularly helping to pass legislation to support start-ups in townships (he hopes to see similar legislation across the country), and supporting marginalized communities: “In Gauteng, we have an LGBTQIA+ desk, or what we call a ‘queer desk,’ in the premier’s office, whose job is not only to create more opportunities but also to do advocacy.”
She acknowledges that there was a “buzz” about this in the country where the term “corrective rape” was coined against lesbians, but says the ANC’s attitude was: “South Africa belongs to everyone, so trust us on this”.
