The latest test in relations came with Saturday’s parliamentary vote on a standalone bill that would provide billions of dollars in military aid to Israel. It was the first time the House voted on a “clean” Israel bill that was not bundled with poisonous pills such as aid to Ukraine or cuts to the IRS. Thirty-seven of the 213 Democratic House members voted against the bill. In a way, this was a big deal. Voting against Israeli aid used to involve prohibitive risks. Not so anymore. On the other hand, in a war as brutal and unpopular as this one, 37 seems low.
No matter how you look at it, there is one conclusion that is inescapable. That means there is a division at the center of the Democratic Party.Its standard-bearer, Joe Biden, finds himself at odds with tens of millions of people. of his own supporters.
In the days leading up to the vote, a group of Democratic lawmakers sought to rally support for a “no” vote, hoping a strong result might prompt Biden to reconsider his strategy. I spoke with four of them: Reps. Pramila Jayapal (Washington), Ro Khanna (California), Joaquin Castro (Texas), and Becca Balint (Vermont). Mr. Castro called it “one of the defining votes for us as a nation.” Jayapal compared this to the lopsided Congressional votes supporting the Iraq and Afghanistan wars. “At this point, it’s very difficult to stop these wars and change policy, and then we all say, oh, we shouldn’t have done that,” she said. Each conveyed growing discontent, but also cautious optimism that mainstream views were shifting in their favor. In a CBS News poll conducted earlier this month, only 32% of Democrats said the United States should send arms and military supplies to Israel.
The “no” vote was not intended to express total opposition to aiding Israel. Rather, the problem is that the bill does not place any conditions on that aid. This would allow the Secretary of State to exempt $3.5 billion in foreign military funding grants from “applicable Congressional notification requirements.” This is one of the unique provisions in which the legislature relinquishes its oversight authority. It also gives the Netanyahu government enhanced exceptional privileges, allowing Israel to use the funds to buy weapons from domestic industry and to buy American-made weapons at below “fair market value.” become.
One of the great mysteries of recent months has been the Biden administration’s refusal to exercise significant influence over Israel. Helping your teammates with conditioning is no small thing. But allies should not receive a blank check to do whatever they want with American weapons. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has for months resisted or ignored Mr Biden’s recommendations on the need for a significant increase in humanitarian aid, but the issue has taken on added urgency in Gaza, which is on the brink of famine. Prime Minister Netanyahu’s post-war vision – calling for a large-scale “buffer zone” and indefinite security operations in Gaza territory – is also deeply at odds with that of the United States and, for that matter, other countries.
For Americans, myself included, the question remains, “If I don’t feel like using leverage right now, is that okay?” Any Are we in a situation where we would do that? Or should support for Israel, as opposed to other countries, be unconditional? As Jayapal says, “It’s not just a matter of inhaling and exhaling.” Perhaps the Biden administration will have to do something different at some point if it wants a different outcome.
In their conversations, Jayapal, Khanna, Castro, and Balint each emphasized the important difference between providing Israel with defensive weapons and offensive weapons. Their concern is the latter, the weapon of war used to destroy Gaza and kill so many Palestinian civilians. Of course, like any other country, Israel has the right to defend itself. However, this right is by no means unlimited or absolute. As Khanna noted, he is a supporter of Israel’s Iron Dome air defense system and has voted for a $3.8 billion annual aid package for Israel in the past. Balint, the first Jewish member of Congress to support the ceasefire, describes himself as pro-Israel. “I have been a lifelong supporter of offensive and defensive means for Israel to protect itself,” she said. Although I was murdered in the Holocaust, I can also stand strong against the majority of Americans and those I believe in. ”
These arguments are persuasive. But so far they are not enough. Khanna, a rising star in the party, said there is a “total disconnect” between Washington and rank-and-file Democrats when it comes to Israel. Of course, there is something to be said for posterity about marking a moment of political courage, no matter how futile the cause. If rank-and-file Democrats continue to express dissatisfaction over the coming months, the Biden administration may feel forced to reverse course. This is not out of principle, but rather for practical reasons, as the party leadership cannot afford to ignore party members on such issues. Paid issue.
